Universalising Islam in Malaysia — Hew Wai Weng

AUG 23 — Early this year, I attended a Chinese New Year open house, organised jointly by the Hidayah Centre (a dakwah [preaching] institution under IKRAM, a Muslim organisation) and the Malaysian Chinese Muslim Association (MACMA), with sponsorship from the Islamic Council of Selangor (MAIS, Majlis Agama Islam Selangor) and Mohd Chan Restaurant. Alongside a small exhibition about Islam in Mandarin and English, there were various cultural activities during the open house, such as Chinese traditional music performance, lion dances and Chinese calligraphy competition.

Indeed, in the last few years, as a way of disseminating Islamic message among non-Muslim Chinese, there is a growing trend of accommodating Chinese cultural elements in the Islamic preaching in Malaysia. Chinese-style mosques, Chinese Muslim preachers, Chinese halal restaurants and Chinese New Year celebrations are among the creative forms to promote the universality of Islam and to show that “there can be a Chinese way of being Muslim”.

Chinese Muslims are minorities in Malaysia, in which only one per cent of ethnic Chinese are Muslims. In the past, ethnic Chinese who became Muslims were assumed to lose their Chinese cultural identity and become “Malay”. The recent emergence of Chinese Muslim cultural identities, which combine both Chinese cultural symbols and Islamic messages have challenged this widely held perception that “Chineseness” and Islam are incompatible.

Unlike conventional dakwah activities, which aim at strengthening the faith of Muslims, Chinese Muslims dakwah movements aim to universalise Islam and invite non-Muslims to get closer to the Islamic faith. Differentiating Chinese “cultural” traditions (budaya) from religious rituals (agama), Chinese Muslim leaders argue that Chinese culture does not contradict with Islamic principles. Instead, it can facilitate the spread of Islamic messages, which I call here “dakwah pendekatan budaya” (preaching by using [Chinese] culture) or “cultural dakwah”.

Statements such as “Chinese New Year does not belong to any religion and that it is a cultural event shared by all Chinese” are commonly used by Chinese Muslims to justify their celebrations. A common belief in this school of thought is that many Chinese in Malaysia hesitate to become Muslim, because they are afraid of losing their Chinese cultural identity after conversion to Islam. By holding public Chinese New Year celebrations, this group would like to diminish such worry, with the hope that more Chinese will convert to Islam, or at least get closer to Islam.

Many Muslim leaders endorse these celebrations, as long as such activities do not contain non-Islamic elements, such as deity worship and the consumption of non-halal food, for example, pork and alcohol. They see Chinese New Year activities such as wearing red, giving ang pow and lion dance as cultural practices that do not contradict Islamic teachings. They also think get-together events, such as mutual visits, reunion dinners and open houses, fit well with Islamic values, and view these activities as promoting “silaturahim” (maintaining good relationships).

Since 2010, working together with MACMA, IKRAM has held various Chinese New Year open house celebrations. IKRAM consists primarily of well-educated, urban-based, middle-class and reformist-minded Malay Muslims. In 2013, the Selangor branch of IKRAM organised Chinese New Year celebrations in nine locations in Selangor: eight small open houses at different districts, all held at Chinese halal restaurants; and a grand one in a Chinese school. Remarkably, one of the key sponsors was the state-controlled MAIS. I joined some of these celebrations, which were well attended by Malay and Chinese Muslims, as well as non-Muslim Chinese.

Chinese cultural elements and Islamic messages are strategically combined in such events. Let me describe one of these celebrations in detail. On February 24, 2013, the 15th day of Chinese New Year, more than 1,000 people attended a grand Chinese New Year open house in the Chee Wen Chinese primary school in Subang Jaya. The organisers had chosen a Chinese school and not a mosque to hold this event, hoping that more Chinese would join without hesitation. Invited guest speakers included leaders from Chinese organisations, Islamic NGOs, and Hui Muslims working in Malaysia. There were three hosts for the event: one of them was of mixed Chinese-Malay parentage and the other two were Hui Muslims studying in Malaysia. Most of those involved in organising the event were — both Chinese and Malay Muslims — wore red. Halal Chinese dishes with a localised twist, including a 100-feet yee sang (a popular Chinese New Year dish in Malaysia), were served. The food was sponsored by Mohd Chan Restaurant, a Chinese halal restaurant.

Inside the hall, there were decorations of Chinese lanterns and Chinese calligraphy that read: “Allah is the Greatest” and “Happy Chinese New Year” in Mandarin. Various entertainment programmes, including Chinese traditional music performance and lion dances were staged. There were also screening of videos, introducing Islamic teachings and sharing experiences of Chinese converts.  MACMA Selangor also held a small exhibition about Islam in Mandarin and English. The Quran, Islamic books and leaflets in Mandarin and English were available for free. Some volunteers also approached the non-Muslim Chinese who attended, asking their views on Islam and sharing the Islamic messages with them, in a subtle and indirect way.

The chairman of IKRAM Selangor Hassanuddin Mohd Yunus explains:

“Islam is a universal religion. In the past, we have only conducted dakwah among Malay Muslims. This is our mistake. We have made Islam a Malay religion, which contradicts the universal value of Islam. We should share the beauty of Islam with ethnic Chinese, who are mostly non-Muslims. And the best way to spread Islamic messages to ethnic Chinese is by using cultural approaches. Chinese New Year is a cultural event, not a religious one. Therefore, we organise Chinese New Year open houses. We serve yee sang (a Chinese Malaysian dish). We give ang pow (red envelope with money). We want to show that Islam and Chinese culture are compatible. Masuk Islam itu bukan Masuk Melayu (convert to Islam is not equal to convert to ethnic Malay).” (Interview, Hassanudin Yunus, February 24, 2013)

In Seremban, there was also a Chinese New Year dinner celebration inside the Al-Saadah Complex. The complex is a newly-completed Chinese-style mosque in Malaysia, initiated and sponsored by the Islamic Council of Negri Sembilan (MAINS, Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Sembilan). Its architectural design was inspired by the Great Mosque of Xi An, in mainland China. Various Chinese features dominated both the exterior and interior design of the mosque complex, such as the Chinese-designed entrance gate, the Chinese garden, the courtyard and pavilion, the red pagoda-shaped minaret, red lanterns and Chinese calligraphy.

This mosque complex hosts various activities, such as religious talks, Mandarin classes, conversion ceremonies and cultural festivals. Remarkably, during the Idul Adha celebrations in 2011 and 2012, Chinese Muslim religious teachers presented their sermons in Mandarin (with translation in Malay on LCD screen) inside the mosque. Moreover, the mosque invited an imam from mainland China to serve the mosque. The mosque committee is also planning to hold regular Friday sermons in Mandarin, beginning from mid-2013. If this plan comes true, the Al-Saadah Complex might be the first mosque in post-independent Malaysia which conducts Friday sermons in Mandarin regularly.

In the past, it was quite difficult to imagine that a Muslim organisation would organise a Chinese New Year open house or an Islamic authority building a Chinese-style mosque simply because of the pervasive perception of Islam as the symbolic marker of Malay identity. Yet today, not only Chinese Muslims, but many Malay Muslims are enthusiastic in preaching Islam through the use of Chinese cultural symbols and practices.

What are the factors that have contributed to this emergence of cultural dakwah in contemporary Malaysia?

First, there is a growing expression of Chinese Muslim cultural identity among Chinese converts. In the past, many Chinese converted to Islam because of intermarriage or for economic reasons. Many of them came from lower middle-class background, were less educated and did not speak Mandarin. Therefore they were more easily assimilated into the Malay community. Today, there is an increasing number of urban middle-class and Mandarin-speaking converts. They become Muslims out of religious interest and take their new religion seriously. They also prefer to maintain their Chinese identity. They see their Chinese culture as an important asset and a preaching strategy, which could facilitate them to share the Islamic message among non-Muslim Chinese. In addition, the recent influx of Hui migrants and students in Malaysia has also given confidence to local Chinese Muslims to cultivate their unique identity.

Second, there is increasing number of urban middle-class Malay Muslims who no longer rely on government assistance and who do not view Islam from an ethnicised perspective. In the past, generally, Malay Muslim organisations were not keen to preach Islam to non-Muslim Chinese. Certain groups were worried that when a Chinese converts to Islam, he or she can then obtain Bumiputera status and enjoy the extensive economic benefits associated with the status (which, in reality, is not always the case). These groups also viewed Islam as their core identity marker, hence if a Chinese becomes a Muslim, he or she should also become a Malay. However, such perceptions have diminished in these recent years. Today, many middle-class Malay Muslims are well educated and do not depend on government assistance to make ends meet. They do not see Islam as a “Malay religion”, but a religion for all mankind. They state that Islam teaches Muslims against asabiyah (clanism/tribalism). They refer to Quranic verses and Hadith texts to highlight the universality of Islam.

Islam is highly controlled by the state in Malaysia. Some religious authorities even regulate the mosque architecture. Although there is not much public resistance towards these various forms of religious control, there are growing demands for diversity within Islamic expressions among urban Muslim youth. They do not want to see all the mosques built in similar pan-Islamic architecture, thus they support the construction of Chinese-style mosques. They do not want to just eat Malay food, thus they visit Chinese halal restaurants. However, it is uncertain whether this support for diverse cultural expressions of Islam will also lead to the greater pluralisation of Islamic discourses.

Certainly, cultural dakwah is a means for Malay Muslim organisations to expand their “faith market” beyond their own ethnic group. Perhaps, it is also a reaction to the perceived threat of “Christianisation” among Malay Muslims. In the last few years, some religious authorities have warned Muslims against the wave of “Christianisation”. In 2012, the Selangor Religious Department (JAIS, Jabatan Agama Islam Selangor) even raided a church activity, which allegedly attempted to convert some Malay Muslims to Christianity. At the same time, some religious authorities have begun to sponsor the establishment of Chinese-style mosques and the celebration of Chinese New Year as a way to disseminate Islamic messages to non-Muslim Chinese.

In Malaysia today, we are witnessing not only the emergence of “cultural dakwah”, but also “political dakwah”, “street dakwah”, “digital dakwah”, “food dakwah” and so on. Recently, the Islamist party, PAS, has put focus not on its “Islamic state” agenda, but on a “welfare state”, together with the slogan, “PAS for All” to broaden its electoral support. In the last election, for the first time, there were non-Muslim candidates running under the PAS banner. There is also an increasing support of non-Muslims towards the Islamist party. During the last election campaign, many non-Muslim Chinese publicly campaigned for PAS to the extent that some even put up the PAS logo as the display picture of their Facebook pages. Several PAS strategists welcomed this support of non-Muslims and see this as a form of “political dakwah”, which means spreading the Islamic messages through political engagement.

In the last 10 years, there has also been a mushrooming of Chinese halal restaurants in Malaysia. Mohammad Chan Halal Restaurant and Sharin Low Seafood Restaurant are the two most successful cases. Both Mohammad Chan and Sharin Low do not see contradictions between making profit and preaching Islam. Low notes that he “berniaga sambil beribadah” (does business while worshipping). All these dakwah methods share similar criteria — indirect, friendly and adaptive. Such attempts certainly could improve the perceptions of non-Muslims towards Islam, yet it is uncertain whether these efforts will convince more non-Muslims to become Muslim.

Amidst the concern of an increasingly puritan Islam or “Arabisation of Islam” that is hostile to ethnic traditions, “cultural dakwah” which promotes hybrid forms of Islamic manifestation reaffirms the cultural inclusivity of Islam in Malaysia. Indeed, the successful stories of Chinese-style mosques, halal restaurants and Chinese New Year celebrations show that many Malay Muslims no longer equal Islam to a Malay religion. There are also various transnational dimensions of “cultural dakwah”, such as building mosques with reference to the design of old mosques in mainland China, and inviting a Hui Muslim from China to become an imam in Malaysia.

The promoters of “cultural dakwah” differentiate “ethnic practices” from “religious ritual” to preach Islam by using Chinese cultural approaches. By doing so, they make Islam appear more universal and inclusive. However, such “culture-religion” distinction has limitations and can be problematic, especially when it comes to defending contentious practices. For example, the notion of a “culture-religion” distinction might be convincing enough to justify the Chinese New Year “cultural” celebration, yet it is inadequate to defend Muslims practising yoga (which some Islamic authorities in Malaysia deem to contain Hindu elements and are therefore un-Islamic), and to protect the rights of Christians to use the term “Allah” in the Bible. In other words, while many promoters of “cultural dakwah” accept cultural diversity, provided it falls within specified “orthodox” boundaries, yet they might hesitate to cross religious boundaries, observe non-Islamic rituals and endorse alternative interpretations of Islam. — New Mandala

* Hew Wai Weng is a research fellow at Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malay Mail Online. 

Article source: http://www.lensaindonesia.com/2013/04/28/formappi-calonkan-angel-lelga-di-parlemen-ppp-beruntung.html

Universalising Islam in Malaysia — Hew Wai Weng

Of the fairness or unfairness of unilateral conversion - Aidil Khalid

Of the fairness or unfairness of unilateral conversion – Aidil Khalid

July 07, 2013

It takes only one word, and that word is parent.

Yes – parent – and that is to say, without an ‘s’.

Should that single word be read in the national language as “ibu atau bapa”, or should the same be read as “ibu dan bapa” instead? 

In light of the proposed Administration of the Religion of Islam (Federal Territories) Bill 2013 (‘the proposed bill’), the reading as to the former would mean that a father or a mother alone could unilaterally convert a child into Islam without having to obtain the consent of the other parent; while the latter, on the other hand, would make it compulsory for the consent of both parents to be obtained.

Therefrom sprung a whole host of blitzkrieg attack from the media, and, understandably, based upon such coverage, a large chunk of public reactions seem to be harsh slamming and strenuous criticisms. 

The chief minister of Penang reportedly said that a move to pass the proposed bill – where the word ‘parent’ in its proposed section 107(b) reads as “ibu atau bapa” instead of “ibu dan bapa” – reeks of “malicious and deceptive trick” on the part of the government. 

And there are even ministers in the government’s very own cabinet who voiced out concerns about the unfairness of such a move. 

With the latest being the report that the government has now decided to withdraw the proposed bill, “to ensure that any religious decision made is fair to all.”

The main thrust of the criticisms, so it seems, would be as to the question of fairness or unfairness in allowing only a father without the consent of the mother, or vice versa, to convert the religion of a child. 

The learned president of the Bar Council went even a couple of steps further so as to accuse such a move being “unconstitutional”.

But is that really the case?

Is it really that unfair?

It is pertinent to put the subject matter upon which any such allegations of unfairness or unconstitutionality under close and careful scrutiny. 

What is unfair or unconstitutional cannot be summarily or arbitrarily concluded without reference to established principles of justice. 

For fairness and justice are but abstract concepts, the determination of which must be strictly subjected to and scrupulously guided by proper reading of the law and constitution, lest it may lead to abuse of such abstraction by many quarters. 

The abuse, should it be by one in the position of authority, might lead to dictatorship where fairness or unfairness is determined by the fancy of one man alone; should it be by the public at large, might lead to anarchism, chaos and uncertainty, where what constitutes fair or unfair being dictated by just about anyone according to their own liking or disliking. 

Such is the danger of allowing such abstract concepts to stray, severed from the wellsprings of established principles.

Thankfully, we have several authoritative references to look into, for the above purpose of determination. I propose however to look into only two. 

The first would be the current piece of legislation of which the proposed bill seeks to replace – and that would be the existing Administration of Islamic Law (Federal Territories) Act 1993 (Act 505). 

It is important to look into the existing law as it stands today so as to determine whether the allegation of bad intention in the move to introduce the proposed bill, holds any water at all. 

Secondly, we have the Federal Court’s judgment in the landmark case of Subashini Rajasingam v. Saravanan Thangothoray Other Appeals [2008] 2 CLJ 1 (‘Subashini’s Case’). 

In this regard it is important to look at how the apex court interpreted the word ‘parent’ as used in the Federal Constitution, and thereafter, determine the question of fairness or unfairness as the case may be upon both of the parents into effect.

Section 95 of the current and existing Administration of Islamic Law (Fedral Territories) Act 1993 (Act 505) reads as follows:-

“Bagi maksud Bahagian ini, seseorang yang tidak beragama Islam boleh masuk Islam jika dia sempurna akal dan – mencapai umur lapan belas tahun; atau jika dia belum mencapai lapan belas tahun, ibu atau bapa atau penjaganya mengizinkan kemasukannya.” (emphasis is mine)

Yes – ibu atau bapa. It is spelled there very clearly. And it has been so in forced for almost 20 years now, since 1993 when the Act was passed and thereafter gazetted.

Thus when the proposed section 107(b) of the proposed bill construes the word parent as “ibu atau bapa”, it is merely reiterating what has been the position of the law all these while. 

Nothing new is being imposed here. Neither is there anything sneaky. 

The accusation that the move to pass the proposed bill is made with “malicious and deceptive trick”, as the chief minister of Penang had so defamatorily accused the federal government of, is clearly without any merit whatsoever.

It is noted that there are voices who claim that the objection is not so much to the wordings of the proposed bill, as it is to the fact that – now that the election is over – the government changes direction from its previous decision in 2009 where it was announced that unilateral conversion of a child would be barred and the consent of both parents be made compulsory.

Granted, but this argument too, must be examined closely, and mustn’t be accepted at its face value. 

For it is trite that the cabinet is an executive body, and that being the case, it is not vested with the authority to undertake any policy that goes against the wordings of the Federal Constitution. 

Merely being executive and not legislative in nature, the cabinet can only execute what the laws and constitution dictates; they aren’t allowed to usurp upon the purviews of the legislature or the judiciary for that matter. 

And in this regard, the provision of article 12(4) of the Federal Constitution clearly provides that “the religion of a person under the age of eighteen years shall be decided by his parent or guardian.”

Yes – parent – as in without an ‘s’.

But how does one interpret that word? Clearly just as much as parent without an ‘s’ could mean a father, it could also mean a mother, or simply father and mother. 

This brings us to the Federal Court’s decision in the Subashini’s case, wherein Nik Hashim FCJ, in delivering the majority judgment of the court, held as follows:-

“After careful study of the authorities, I am of the opinion that … [t]he word ‘parent’ in art. 12(4) of the FC, which states that the religion of a person under the age of 18 years shall be decided by his parent or guardian, means a single parent.” (emphasis is mine)

Just as important is the minority judgment of the court, wherein Abdul Aziz Mohamed FCJ observed as follows:-

“One has to begin by construing what is the meaning of “parent”. 

The ordinary meaning is ‘a father or mother’. See, for example, the Concise Oxford Dictionary. 

So is the legal meaning. Black’s Law Dictionary, 7th edn, gives the meaning as “the lawful father or mother of someone”. 

The relevant phrase in clause (4) has, therefore, to be read as “by his father or mother or guardian … Either father or mother will do, not both.” (emphasis is mine)

If such is the interpretation of the court, however good intentioned the cabinet were in their earlier decision to require the consent of both parents, the fact simply is that they cannot proceed with such a decision. 

It will go against the constitution for them to do so. 

It will be unconstitutional and it will render the same to be ultra vires. 

If a father, for instance, or a mother, wishes to convert his or her child, but is sent away by the authority and asked to obtain the consent of his or her spouse first, such a requirement would be a fundamental breach and violation of the right of the singular parent, as protected under article 12(4).

It is in this light that the position taken by the Bar Council in criticising the government seems perplexing. 

Shouldn’t they instead commend the government for the latter’s honourable move to strictly comply with the constitutional provision? 

And that is, of course, not to forget also that notwithstanding whatever that had been said by the learned president of the Bar Council, the fact simply remains that he is not in the position to declare unconstitutional what has been declared by the court to be constitutional. 

For the Bar Council is not the judiciary. It is not vested with any such declaratory jurisdiction.

Be that as it may, the fundamental question remains: was the Federal Court’s decision in the Subashini’s case fair?; had it not stripped away the wife’s natural right as a poor mother to her own child?; had the decision not been absurdly unjust and utterly unfair? How o how, could a unilateral conversion of a child by the father alone without the consent of the mother, or vice versa, be said to be fair?

The problem with these lines of criticisms is that it simply fails to appreciate the whole matrix of the judgment. 

As reported in the CLJ Law Report, the broad ground of judgment is rather lengthy and voluminous. 

There are 101 pages in total. 

But it is very important that it be read and appreciated in its totality if any conclusion as to the fairness or unfairness were to be properly attained at all, so as to avoid misconstruing the effect of the court’s decision. 

But for the benefit of those who do not have the time or access to read the whole judgment, the gist of the relevant part is thus quoted here, wherein Abdul Aziz Mohamed FCJ, in the minority judgment, at pages 94 to 95 of the case report observed as follows:-

“But that does not mean that the other parent has no right to object or to prevent his child from being taught that religion or being converted to Islam…

Generally speaking, what those sections, especially s. 5, do is to give both parents an equal say in the affairs and destinies of their children. 

The fact that each has an equal say must necessarily result sometimes in opposing wishes. 

If both agree over something concerning their child no problem arises and the right of equal say is not of operative importance. 

If they are opposed, a decision has to be reached as to whose wishes are best for the child, otherwise the child might suffer a disadvantage. 

The right of equal say entitles one spouse to come to court to prevent the other from doing what he or she intends to do about their child. 

The court will then decide for the wife or the husband, unless they can agree. 

Otherwise it ends with the thing being done according to the wishes of one parent only … The wife has an equal right not to want Sharvind to be converted. 

She is claiming custody of the two children, hoping probably that, having legal custody of the children, she will be in good position in law to obtain the permanent injunction against conversion in the petition.”

In a nutshell what the judge is saying is that no one can deny the right of a father or a mother to convert his or her child, not even the other parent. But notwithstanding that – and pay attention to this for it is of paramount importance – that doesn’t mean that the other parent is denied the right to object. 

To the very contrary, he or she has all the equal right in the world to object. 

And if such an objection is raised, the court will then have to determine the matter based upon the facts presented before it, and in the lights of the contending wishes between the parents on the one hand, and the interest of the child on the other, make a decision.

Thus there is no question of unfairness here. 

It has been fair and square all along. 

In fact, to require the father or mother to obtain the consent of the other – in which event if the parents are not in good terms would almost certainly be impossible – would amount to stripping away the fundamental right of the father or the mother to have his or her own respective wishes upon the child.

By construing ‘parent’ as ‘father or mother’, as the court did, would at least allow the converted parent an opportunity of being heard by the court, without depriving the right of the other to object. 

By contrast, should the word be construed as ‘father and mother’ instead, the converted parent would not have any opportunity at all of being heard, for the mandatory requirement of consent – which now renders impossible in light of the relationship turning sour – would make it even the court not having the power to entertain any such application should the mandatory requirement not being fulfilled. 

Any application to convert the child would then just be summarily dismissed for want of consent. Under no circumstances at all could the poor converting parent gets his or her child to be converted along, however well meaning or however reasonable the reasons he or she may have. 

Now let us consider this. 

Say that the father converts to Islam, or the mother converts to Islam – whichever the case may be – does that make it right for the law to strip away whatever paternal or maternal authority that the father or mother possesses over the infant child with regards to religion, just because he or she has now converted to Islam? 

And between the two contending wishes of the now disputing parents, does it make it right to deny the converted parent’s wishes upon the child’s religion from being heard at all? 

Does that not amount to religious discrimination against the converted parent, and as such a clear violation of article 8 of the Federal Constitution that says “there shall be no discrimination against citizens on the ground only of religion”? 

Does it not go against the very principle of natural justice, the legal maxim of which – audi alteram partem – requires that both sides of the disputing party be given equal rights of being heard?

In any event, it is pertinent to point out that the effect of allowing a singular parent without having to obtain the consent of the other would only make it legal to unilaterally convert the religion of a child. 

It does not make it automatically right. 

It simply means that legally it is allowed, but the rightness or wrongness of which would have to be determined by the court based upon the facts of each individual cases, should the other parent objects. 

That is all. 

Needless to say, there is a gap between what is only legal on the one side, and what is legal and also right on the other.

Perhaps at this juncture it must also be made clear that what is being discussed through out here is only pertaining to the religion of the child, not custody, for the two are of separate matters. 

In the case of Shamala Sathiyaseelan v. Dr. Jeyaganesh C Mogarajah [2004] 3 CLJ 786, for instance, although the father had earlier converted the child to the religion of Islam, the court held that the custody of the child nevertheless remains with the mother, not the father. 

This ought to put to rest the allegation that some unscrupulous individuals may easily win custody by merely converting the child. Nothing can be further from true for the matter is not as simple as that. 

The court will look into the facts of the matter holistically, rather than simplistically conclude based solely upon whether the child has been converted or not.

That as it is, it seems to me that the court had indeed aptly and acutely laid down the principle of justice rather very mindfully in it’s judgment in the Subashini’s case. 

It was a thoroughly well thought, sound and well-meaning decision. 

Thrust with such conflicting dispute, surrounded by sensitivities upon various corners, ringed by constitutional and emotional issues all around, the court honourably threaded the thin line of fairness and equity.

As for the proposed bill with the words “ibu atau bapa”, notwithstanding the fact that the government has decided to withdraw from further tabling, the fact remains that the current piece of legislation has the very same provision with the very same wordings. 

The position of the law therefore, particularly with regards to the conversion of a child remains very much the same, as much as the constitutional position as interpreted by the court. 

The effect of which, looked upon holistically and examined upon microscopically, I would not hesitate to say: not in the least seems unfair. – July 7, 2013.

*Aidil Khalid is an advocate and solicitor practicing in Seri Kembangan, Selangor.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider

Article source: http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=124611:muhyiddin-springs-a-surprise-withdraws-islamic-bill-allowing-conversion-of-kids-by-one-parent&Itemid=2

Of the fairness or unfairness of unilateral conversion - Aidil Khalid

Daftar Lengkap Nominasi Golden Globe Awards ke-70

Sebanyak 25 kategori penghargaan Golden Globes ke-70 telah diumumkan, Kamis (13/12) di Beverly Hilton Hotel. Daftar nominasi tersebut dibacakan oleh presiden Hollywood Foreign Press Association, Aida Takla-O’Reilly bersama dengan Jessica Alba, Megan Fox dan Ed Helms.

Pengumuman ini menjadi gong pembuka rangkaian ajang penghargaan yang nantinya berakhir pada malam penghargaan Oscar. Meski hasil Golden Globe sering berbeda dengan Oscar, daftar nominasi yang ada bisa dijadikan acuan siapa-siapa yang akan masuk Oscar nantinya.

Ajang penghargaan terbesar kedua setelah Oscar ini akan disiarkan secara live oleh saluran TV NBC pada hari Minggu (13/01) waktu setempat dengan pemandu acaranya, Tina Fey dan Amy Poehler.

Berikut ini daftar lengkapnya:

BEST MOTION PICTURE – DRAMA

1. ARGO
2. DJANGO UNCHAINED
3. LIFE OF PI
4. LINCOLN
5. ZERO DARK THIRTY

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A MOTION PICTURE – DRAMA

1. Jessica Chastain – ZERO DARK THIRTY
2. Marion Cottilard – RUST AND BONE
3. Helen Mirren – HITCHCOCK
4. Naomi Watts – THE IMPOSSIBLE
5. Rachel Weisz – THE DEEP BLUE SEA

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A MOTION PICTURE – DRAMA

1. Daniel Day-Lewis – LINCOLN
2. Richard Gere, ARBITRAGE
3. John Hawkes, THE SESSIONS
4. Joaquin Phoenix – THE MASTER
5. Denzel Washington – FLIGHT

BEST MOTION PICTURE – COMEDY OR MUSICAL

1. THE BEST EXOTIC MARIGOLD HOTEL
2. LES MISERABLES
3. MOONRISE KINGDOM
4. SALMON FISHING IN THE YEMEN
5. SILVER LININGS PLAYBOOK

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A MOTION PICTURE – COMEDY OR MUSICAL

1. Emily Blunt, SALMON FISHING IN THE YEMEN
2. Judy Dench, THE BEST EXOTIC MARIGOLD HOTEL
3. Jennifer Lawrence, SILVER LININGS PLAYBOOK
4. Maggie Smith, QUARTET
5. Meryl Streep, HOPE SPRINGS

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A MOTION PICTURE – COMEDY OR MUSICAL

1. Jack Black, BERNIE
2. Bradley Cooper, SILVER LININGS PLAYBOOK
3. Hugh Jackman, LES MISERABLES
4. Ewan McGregor, SALMON FISHING IN THE YEMEN
5. Bill Murray, HYDE PARK ON HUDSON

BEST ANIMATED FEATURE FILM

1. BRAVE
2. FRANKENWEENIE
3. HOTEL TRANSYLVANIA
4. RISE OF THE GUARDIANS
5. WRECK-IT RALPH

BEST FOREIGN LANGUAGE FILM

1. AMOUR (AUSTRIA)
2. A ROYAL AFFAIR (DENMARK) (En kongelig affære)
3. THE INTOUCHABLES (FRANCE) (Les Intouchables)
4. KON-TIKI (NORWAY/UK/DENMARK)
5. RUST AND BONE (FRANCE) (De rouille et d’os)

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A SUPPORTING ROLE IN A MOTION PICTURE

1. Amy Adams, THE MASTER
2. Sally Field, LINCOLN
3. Anne Hathaway, LES MISERABLES
4. Helen Hunt, THE SESSIONS
5. Nicole Kidman, THE PAPERBOY

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A SUPPORTING ROLE IN A MOTION PICTURE

1. Alan Arkin, ARGO
2. Leonardo DiCaprio, DJANGO UNCHAINED
3. Philip Seymour Hoffman, THE MASTER
4. Tommy Lee Jones, LINCOLN
5. Christoph Waltz, DJANGO UNCHAINED

BEST DIRECTOR – MOTION PICTURE

1. Ben Affleck, ARGO
2. Kathryn Bigelow, ZERO DARK THIRTY
3. Ang Lee, LIFE OF PI
4. Steven Spielberg, LINCOLN
5. Quentin Tarantino, DJANGO UNCHAINED

BEST SCREENPLAY – MOTION PICTURE

1. Mark Boal, ZERO DARK THIRTY
2. Tony Kuscher, LINCOLN
3. David O Russell, SILVER LININGS PLAYBOOK
4. Quentin Tarantino, DJANGO UNCHAINED
5. Chris Therio, ARGO

BEST ORIGINAL SCORE – MOTION PICTURE

1. Mychael Danna, LIFE OF PI
2. Alexandre Desplat, ARGO
3. Dario Marianelli, ANNA KARENINA
4. Tom Tykwer, Johnny Klimek, Reinghold Heil, CLOUD ATLAS
5. John Williams, LINCOLN

BEST ORIGINAL SONG – MOTION PICTURE

1. For You, ACT OF VALOR
2. Not Running Anymore, STAND UP GUYS
3. Safe Sound, THE HUNGER GAMES
4. Skyfall, SKYFALL
5. Suddenly, LES MISERABLES

BEST TELEVISION SERIES – DRAMA

1. BREAKING BAD, AMC
2. BOARDWALK EMPIRE, HBO
3. DOWNTON ABBEY: SEASON 2, PBS
4. HOMELAND, SHOWTIME
5. THE NEWSROOM, HBO

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A TELEVISION SERIES – DRAMA

1. CONNIE BRITTON, NASHVILLE
2. GLENN CLOSE, DAMAGES
3. CLAIRE DANES, HOMELAND
4. MICHELLE DOCKERY, DOWNTON ABBEY: SEASON 2
5. JULIANNA MARGULIES, THE GOOD WIFE

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A TELEVISION SERIES – DRAMA

1. STEVE BUSCEMI, BOARDWALK EMPIRE
2. BRYAN CRANSTON, BREAKING BAD
3. JEFF DANIELS, THE NEWSROOM
4. JON HAMM, MAD MEN
5. DAMIAN LEWIS, HOMELAND

BEST TELEVISION SERIES – COMEDY OR MUSICAL

1. THE BIG BANG THEORY, CBS
2. EPISODES, SHOWTIME
3. GIRLS, HBO
4. MODERN FAMILY, ABC
5. SMASH, NBC

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A TELEVISION SERIES – COMEDY OR MUSICAL

1. ZOOEY DESCHANEL, NEW GIRL
2. JULIA LOUIS-DREYFUS, VEEP
3. LENA DUNHAM, GIRLS
4. TINA FEY, 30 ROCK
5. AMY POEHLER, PARKS AND RECREATION

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A TELEVISION SERIES – COMEDY OR MUSICAL

1. ALEC BALDWIN, 30 ROCK
2. DON CHEADLE, HOUSE OF LIES
3. LOUIS C.K., LOUIE
4. MATT LEBLANC, EPISODES
5. JIM PARSONS, THE BIG BANG THEORY

BEST MINI-SERIES OR MOTION PICTURE MADE FOR TELEVISION

1. GAME CHANGE, HBO
2. THE GIRL, HBO
3. HATFIELDS MCCOYS, HISTORY
4. THE HOUR, BBC AMERICA
5. POLITICAL ANIMALS, USA NETWORK

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A MINI-SERIES OR MOTION PICTURE MADE FOR TELEVISION

1. NICOLE KIDMAN, HEMINGWAY GELLHORN
2. JESSICA LANGE, AMERICAN HORROR STORY: ASYLUM
3. SIENNA MILLER, THE GIRL
4. JULIANNE MOORE, GAME CHANGE
5. SIGOURNEY WEAVER, POLITICAL ANIMALS

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A MINI-SERIES OR MOTION PICTURE MADE FOR TELEVISION

1. KEVIN COSTNER, HATFIELDS MCCOYS
2. BENEDICT CUMBERBATCH, SHERLOCK (MASTERPIECE)
3. WOODY HARRELSON, GAME CHANGE
4. TOBY JONES, THE GIRL
5. CLIVE OWEN, HEMINGWAY GELLHORN

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTRESS IN A SUPPORTING ROLE IN A SERIES, MINI-SERIES OR MOTION PICTURE MADE FOR TELEVISION

1. HAYDEN PANETTIERE, NASHVILLE
2. ARCHIE PANJABI, THE GOOD WIFE
3. SARAH PAULSON, GAME CHANGE
4. MAGGIE SMITH, DOWNTON ABBEY: SEASON 2
5. SOFIA VERGARA, MODERN FAMILY

BEST PERFORMANCE BY AN ACTOR IN A SUPPORTING ROLE IN A SERIES, MINI-SERIES OR MOTION PICTURE MADE FOR TELEVISION (kpl/dka)

Article source: http://www.suarakarya-online.com/news.html?id=317966


Daftar Lengkap Nominasi Golden Globe Awards ke-70

Potential Malaysia IPOs for 2014

KUALA LUMPUR: IOI Properties Group kicked off an potential record year for Malaysia IPOs with a stellar debut, jumping by more than a fifth after raising some US$580 million in its initial public offering.

Malaysia’s initial public offering market could more than double this year to US$7.1 billion, led by an up to US$2 billion sale of state investor 1Malaysia Development Bhd’s energy assets, according to information from bankers compiled by Reuters.

Following is a list of other Malaysian IPOs that bankers have flagged as likely to occur in 2014 with their estimates of deal sizes. The total figure does not include two possible deals where the size has not been flagged – a property trust listing from Permodalan Nasional and an IPO for Boustead Plantations.

* Seven Convenience, operator of all 7-11 stores in Malaysia. The company is controlled by Malaysian tycoon Tan Sri Vincent Tan, the 10th richest man in the country, according to Forbes. A US$250 million IPO expected in March.

* Power producer Malakoff, a unit of tycoon Tan Sri Syed Mokhtar AlBukhary’s conglomerate MMC Corp. Syed Mokhtar is the country’s eight richest man, according to Forbes. A US$1 billion IPO seen in the first half of 2014.

* State investor 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) has invited investment banks to pitch for advisory roles in an initial public offering (IPO) ranging between US$1 billion to US$2 billion involving its power assets, three sources told Reuters on Wednesday.

* Boustead Plantations, the palm oil arm of Malaysia’s conglomerate Boustead Holdings, which is controlled by the country’s army fund, Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera. The IPO is expected in the second quarter of 2014 but its size has not been determined yet.

* Icon Offshore, an oil and gas offshore service firm owned by the Malaysian government-linked private equity fund, Ekuiti Nasional. A US$150 million IPO expected in the first half of the year.

* Iskandar Waterfront, property developer off the coast of southern state of Johor near Singapore, partly owned by the Johor state government. A US$300 million IPO likely in the second half of 2014.

* Medini Iskandar, master property developer of 2200 acres of land in the heart of Iskandar economic region in the southern state of Johor, majority owned by state investor Khazanah Nasional Bhd. An US$800 million IPO expected in the first half of 2014.

* Themed Attractions and Resorts Bhd, a theme parks operator owned by Malaysia’s state investor Khazanah Nasional. A US$150 million IPO expected this year.

* Malaysian property developer Naza TTDI is expected to raise some US$250 million IPO in the first half of 2014.

* Malaysia’s largest mobile operator by market value Axiata plans to list its tower assets, with the IPO estimated at US$500 million.

* Internet-payment company MOL Global, the owner of social networking site Friendster Inc. Controlled by Malaysian tycoon Tan Sri Vincent Tan. The IPO is estimated at US$300 million.

* Southeast Asia’s largest offshore helicopter operator Weststar, partly owned by US private equity company KKR and Co. A US$625 million IPO expected in either 2014 or 2015.

* Malaysia’s largest fund management firm Permodalan Nasional Bhd’s planned property trust listing. The deal is expected in 2014 or 2015. The size has not been determined yet but the property under PNB has a value of US$4.7 billion.

* Ranhill Energy and Resources, the oil and gas service firm that had its listing in 2013 cancelled due to a disclosure breach related to the suspension of Petronas license of one of its units. It is exploring a comeback in 2014, with the IPO estimated at US$230 million.

Seven Convenience, Malakoff, Icon Offshore, MOL, Weststar, Boustead and Axiata have said they intend to list. 1MDB declined to comment. Ranhill, Permodalan Nasional, Themed Attractions and Resorts, Medini , Naza TTDI and Iskandar Waterfront were not immediately available for comment.– Reuters

Article source: http://jogja.tribunnews.com/2013/12/30/selebrasi-hormat-ala-nazi-anelka-berujung-sanksi

Potential Malaysia IPOs for 2014

Don: Prepare beyond ETP

MALAYSIA is on its way towards achieving its targets set under the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP), which is to become a developed nation by 2020 by targeting a per capita income of US$15,000 (RM48,900).

However, it must prepare and devise a plan on what next to do and on how to sustain that growth for years to come.

Harvard Business School associate professor of business administration Diego Comin said it is time for Malaysia to think its next growth track to determine what type of country it wants to be post-ETP.

“To ensure sustainable growth beyond 2020, Malaysia has to stop relying on natural resources due to the volatile prices and limited supply and focus more on knowledge intensive sectors, where opportunities are self-generated, of which the more you know, the more opportunities arise.

“Malaysia has to strategise and devise a plan fit in the global economy after 2020 and to face the medium-term challenges,” he told Business Times, here, yesterday.

Comin is here as part of Universiti Teknologi Malaysia visiting researchers programme to give talks to 700 Master’s of Business Administration students at the UTM International Business School in Jalan Semarak.

He will also be meeting Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak tomorrow to give recommendations on what Malaysia can do to tweak and improve on the ETP after 2020.

“One way for Malaysia to sustain that growth post-ETP in 2020 is to bolster its knowledge economy in all sectors from information, communications and technology to oil and gas, electrical and electronics.

“It must create a knowledge inclusive society as well as a knowledge economy for companies to operate to counter low-quality exports, such as the electrical and electronics sector, which has gone down the drain.

“Malaysia has to think globally now to ensure the continuity of the growth experience for the economic development to be sustainable after 2020.”

Comin said even though Malaysia has had a strong recovery since 2009 with a gross domestic product growth of 5.5 per cent, symptoms of medium-term challenges persist for Malaysia, such as a slowdown in productivity growth, reduction in investment rate, high price-earnings and and high dividend yield at Bursa Malaysia.

He said there is also high capital and skilled labour outflow, relative contraction of high-skilled manufacturing sectors, reduction in Malaysia’s market share and quality in skilled-intensive exports, and many of these symptoms are unique to Malaysia.

“There is a missing factor, which is the lack of technological knowledge that prevents companies to move up the value chain to take advantage of new opportunities as well as prevent companies from creating more good jobs that pay well, induce workers to go to college and reduce inequality.”

Comin said to create a knowledge- friendly ecosystem where knowledge is produced and assimilated, universities and research institutes must distribute it to companies.

As an example, he said, the Malaysian Palm Oil Board (MPOB) has done well by finding technological solutions for plantation companies, such as developing a variety of palm products, improving yield, and getting rid of pests.

The role of the research organisations is to provide technical knowledge to the firms so that they can solve problems and become world-class firms.

Institutes such as Mimos and MPOB can engage in conducting and assimilating applied research and development and getting involved in contract research with private companies that need knowledge and not involved in the development of new products.

“Top science and engineering university departments connected to institutes must supply scientists who conduct research and development and participate in contract research.”

He said public institutions must coordinate and collaborate with each other because there is now an inefficient diffusion of knowledge, of which companies do not know where to go for help.

Comin said there are also weak links between research institutes and top universities’ science and engineering deparments, which must be addressed.

“It requires properly targeted actions that alleviate missing factor (knowledge) and provide new opportunities to companies.

“Such companies also need to move away from their comfort zone and take advantage of the new opportunities.”

Comin is also scheduled to meet Bank Negara Malaysia governor Tan Sri Dr Zeti Akhtar Aziz, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department in charge of economic planning Datuk Seri Abdul Wahid Omar and Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department and Performance Management and Delivery Unit chief executive officer Datuk Seri Idris Jala.

Article source: http://life.viva.co.id/news/read/431329-jalan-islam-sam-brodie

Don: Prepare beyond ETP

Five reasons why the blog post about Wong Fei Hung being Muslim is a bit iffy

View gallery

.

The article which appeared on the Pertubuhan Jamaah Islam Malaysia (JIM) website.

There’s a sensational article making its rounds in Facebook now, claiming that Wong Fei Hung was a Muslim.
 
Yup.
 
If you haven’t read it yet, you should. It will brighten your day.
 
The article is found on the Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) website, an Islamic group dedicated to proselytising and social development. It’s got a pretty cool picture of Jet Li too.
 
Curiosity got the better of me and I clicked on the link to read what proofs the JIM had to offer that Wong Fei Hung was a Muslim.
 
What I found was an article that read more like a hastily put together first draft of a Back to the Future, Part 4 script – it was full of laughable scenarios that involved a lot of time-shifting!
 
Some of the bigger (and most clearly wrong) claims made by the article are:

1 – “Fei Hung merupakan dialek Canton untuk menyebut nama Arab, Fais. Sementara Nama Hung juga merupakan dialek Kanton untuk menyebut nama Arab, Hussein. Jadi, bila di-bahasa-arab- kan, namanya ialah Faisal Hussein Wong.”
 
(Fei Hung is the Cantonese dialect’s pronunciation of the Arab name Fais. While the name Hung is also the Cantonese dialect’s pronunciation of the Arab name, Hussein. Thus when his name is Arabic-ised, it is Faisal Hussein Wong)

First of all, Chinese is a monosyllabic language. Thus to express the name “Fais”, it would be translated into either 2 or 3 monosyllables. Typically, it would be FA-YEE or FA-YEE-SAR (actual pronunciation depends on which words are used in the translation). “Hussein” will also be similarly translated into 2 or 3 characters.
 
If Wong Fei Hung’s real Muslim name was Faisal Hussein, it will not be written in the typical Chinese 3-name system. Even a simple Western name like Will Smith is translated in Cantonese as “WAI-YEE SEE-MAT-SI”. So it’s impossible that a multi-syllable name will be simplified into 2 monosyllables that fits into the traditional Chinese naming system!

2 – “Dinasti Ch’in ialah Dinasti yang merubuhkan kekuasaan Dinasti Yuan yang memerintah sebelumnya”
 
(The Ch’in Dynasty was the dynasty which overthrew the Yuan Dynasty which ruled before it)

Wong Fei Hung was born in 1847, during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912), which overthrew the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644). The Ch’in Dynasty existed over 2000 years before his time (around 200+BC), and was established by Qin Shihuang, the first emperor who unified China under him. The Yuan dynasty was established in the 1200s by the Mongol Khans (yup, Kublai Khan, et al).

3 – “Dinasti Yuan ini dikenal sebagai satu-satunya Dinasti Kaisar Cina yang anggota keluarganya banyak yang memeluk agama Islam.”
 
(The Yuan Dynasty is known as the only Chinese Imperial Dynasty where many members of its household converted to Islam.)

While the Mongol emperors of the Yuan Dynasty did encourage various foreign religions to be propagated in China (Islam, Christianity, Buddhism), ALL Chinese emperors ruled under the “Mandate of Heaven” which includes seeking heaven’s favour and blessings through Chinese worship rites. The Emperor and his household also counted priests as royal advisers. The entire imperial household has no choice but to follow the state religion or else the Dynasty would fall apart from religious differences within the family.

4 – “Wong Fei-Hung mula mengasah bakat beladirinya sejak berguru kepada Luk Ah-Choi. Hung Hei-Kwun, abang seperguruan Luk Ah-Choi…seorang pendekar Shaolin yang terlepas dari peristiwa pembakaran dan pembantaian oleh pemerintahan Dinasti Ch’in pada 1734.”
 
(Wong Fei Hung began honing his martial arts skills since he came under the tutelage of Luk Ah-Choi. Hung Hei Kwun, who trained in the martial arts with Luk Ah Choi…was a Shaolin warrior who escaped the burning and sacking by the Ch’in Dynasty in 1734.)

OK, there’s some serious time-warping here. Wong Fei Hung was born in 1847 and started learning kungfu at age 5. Hung Hei Gun and Luk Ah Choi are believed to have taught Wong Fei Hung’s father AND grandfather! Hung Hei Kwun lived from 1745-1825, so it’s not likely that he joined his classmate Luk Ah Choi in the 1734 incident cited above. In fact, it’s quite unlikely that Luk Ah Choi would be involved too as there are indications that Luk Ah Choi is even younger than Hung (because Luk had also studied martial arts under Hung).
 
ASSUMING Luk Ah Choi was still around to teach Wong Fei Hung, he would be over 100 years old, or about 150 years old (according to this article’s timeline)! Besides, nowhere in Wong Fei Hung’s history does it mention that Luk Ah Choi was his master.
 
And the Ch’in Dynasty’s timeline has been shifted (again) from 200+BC to the 18th century now.

5 – “Jika saja pemerintah Ch’in tidak meminta bantuan pasukan-pasukan bersenjata bangsa asing (Rusia, Inggris, Jepun), pemberontakan pimpinan Hung Hei-Kwun itu nescaya akan berjaya mengusir pendudukan Dinasti Ch’in.”
 
(If the Ch’in had not asked for the help of the armed forces of foreign powers (Russia, England, Japan), the rebellion led by Hung Hei Kwun would have succeeded in ousting the Ch’in Dynasty)

NO emperor in China has ever asked foreign militaries for help (except for the Battle of Shanghai  with the Taiping rebels, but it was the city government who asked for help, not the emperor)! In fact, the Qing dynasty fought several wars with foreign powers who were trying to conquer China during Wong Fei Hung’s lifetime – including Russia, Britain and Japan!

I’ll admit that I’m no historian.  I’ll even admit that there may be evidence somewhere out there that Wong Fei Hung was indeed a Muslim. But if there is proof, it’s certainly not in the Jamaah Islah article. And the factual errors really don’t inspire confidence at all in that claim.

Note: The JIM website states www.penainsan.blogspot.com as the source of this article.

• Wong Fei Hung


• Yuan Dynasty

Article source: http://www.sinarharian.com.my/kronologi-mukhriz-kupas-kesan-krisis-timur-tengah-1.205132

Five reasons why the blog post about Wong Fei Hung being Muslim is a bit iffy

PERKIM, Penang Islam council get leave to fight conversion challenge

PERKIM, Penang Islam council get leave to fight conversion challenge

March 25, 2013

PUTRJAYA, March 25 — The Muslim Welfare Organisation (PERKIM) and the Penang Islamic Religious Council were given the nod by the Federal Court here today to appeal against an appellate court’s decision in reverting back to the Penang High Court to hear an application brought by a female factory worker who is questioning the validity of her conversion to Islam.

A five-member panel led by Court of Appeal President Tan Sri Md Raus Sharif allowed their application for leave to appeal to the Federal Court.

“I think it is a fit and proper case for the Federal Court to decide,” said Justice Raus who presided on the panel with Chief Judge of Malaya Tan Sri Zulkefli Ahmad Makinudin and Federal Court judges Datuk Hashim Yusof, Tan Sri Abdull Hamid Embong and Datuk Jeffrey Tan Kok Wha.

The court would determine two legal questions. One is whether Section 121 (A) of the Federal Constitution and Section 61(3)(b)(x) of the administration of religion of Islam Penang Enactment 2004 apply and binds the respondent, Siti Hasnah Vangarama Abdullah.

On January 12 last year, the Court of Appeal reverted Siti Hasnah’s case back to the High Court in Penang after ruling that the High Court had the jurisdiction to hear her originating summons, which she had filed questioning the validity of her conversion to Islam when she was seven years old.

On August 4 2010, the High Court struck out Siti Hasnah’s case after it (the High Court) ruled that the court did not have the jurisdiction to hear her case and that her matter was a subject matter exclusively for the Syariah court.

In her originating summons filed on December 23 2009, Siti Hasnah, 29, named as defendants Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in his capacity as PERKIM chairman, former PERKIM officer Raimi Abdullah and the Penang Islamic Religious Council.

In her application, Siti Hasnah sought for a declaration that the defendants had wrongfully caused her to undergo a religious conversion process when she was seven years old in 1989.

In her affidavit supporting her application, the mother of three children claimed that she was in the Ramakrishna orphanage when she was taken by Raimi to the Kadi Bandaraya Pulau Pinang to take affirmation of faith to renounce Hinduism and embrace Islam.

She claimed that the conduct of the defendants to order her to recite the “kalimah shahadat” on December 28 1989 was wrong in law.

She said she did not understand the content and the meaning of the words in the “Sijil Akuan Masuk Islam” which she had read, recited and signed, adding that at the age of seven years, she did not have any choice but to follow the defendants’ orders to recite the “kalimah shahadat”.

Siti Hasnah also wants the court to instruct the National Registration Department to change her religion and her Muslim name to her original Hindu name Banggarma a/p Subramaniam in her MyKad and omit the word Islam from her identity card.

In his affidavit, Raimi said according to the records obtained by PERKIM, Siti Hasnah, together with her parents and her other siblings, converted to Islam in 1983.

Siti Hasnah was one year old then. At the age of five, her parents placed her at the Ramakrishna orphanage and she was there for a year and a half. Her mother died in 1989 and her father died in 2004.

Siti Hasnah married S. Sockalingam, 32, under Hindu customary rites. The couple did not register their marriage. — Bernama

Article source: http://kabarcepat.com/2013/03/23/gereja-katolik-tambora-jakarta-barat-disegel-massa-pendemo

PERKIM, Penang Islam council get leave to fight conversion challenge

Ini Dia Perguruan Tinggi yang Terakreditasi Tahun 2013

KOMPAS.com - Badan Akreditasi-Nasional Perguruan Tinggi (BAN-PT) merilis daftar perguruan tinggi yang diakreditasi untuk tahun 2013. Ada 30 perguruan tinggi yang masuk daftar akreditasi untuk institusi dalam daftar yang dirilis akhir Maret lalu di situs resminya.

Dari 30 perguruan tinggi tersebut, 8 perguruan tinggi yang meraih akreditasi A, 20 dengan akreditasi B dan 2 perguruan tinggi mendapat akreditasi C.

Dari delapan perguruan tinggi yang mencapai akreditasi A, tiga di antaranya adalah perguruan tinggi swasta, yaitu Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Universitas Islam Indonesia Yogyakarta dan Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang. Kedudukannya setara dengan perguruan tinggi negeri ternama, seperti Institut Teknologi Bandung, Institut Pertanian Bogor, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Universitas Indonesia, dan Universitas Hasanuddin.

Berikut daftar lengkap 30 perguruan tinggi tersebut bersama dengan akreditasi dan surat keputusannya:

1. Universitas Pelita Harapan, Tangerang (B) Nomer SK: 056/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
2. Institut Teknologi Telkom Bandung, Bandung (B), Nomor SK: 057/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
3. Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta (B), Nomor SK: 058/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
4. Universitas Islam Sultan Agung Semarang, Semarang (B) Nomor SK: 059/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
5. Universitas Sanata Dharma, Yogyakarta (B), Nomor SK: 060/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
6. Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta (A), Nomor SK: 061/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
7. Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, Bandung (B), Nomor SK: 062/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
8. Universitas Katolik Soegijapranata, Semarang (B), Nomor SK: 063/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
9. Universitas Surabaya, Surabaya (B), Nomor SK: 064/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
10. Universitas Islam Indonesia, Yogyakarta (A), Nomor SK: 065/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013

11. Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung (A), Nomor SK: 066/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
12. Institut Pertanian Bogor, Bogor (A), Nomor SK: 067/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
13. Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta (A), Nomor SK: 068/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
14. Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta (A), Nomor SK: 069/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
15. Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atmajaya, Jakarta (B), Nomor SK: 070/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
16. Institut Agama Islam Negeri Sumatera Utara, Medan (C), Nomor SK: 071/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
17. Universitas Islam Malang, Malang (B), Nomor SK: 072/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
18. Universitas Islam Negeri Sharif Hidayahtullah, Jakarta (B), Nomor SK: 073/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
19. Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang, Malang (A), Nomor SK: 074/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
20. Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta (B), Nomor SK: 075/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013

21. Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Sukoharjo (B), Nomor SK: 076/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
22. Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Surabaya (B), Nomor SK: 077/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
23. Universitas Negeri Semarang, Semarang (B), Nomor SK: 078/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
24. Universitas Hasanuddin, Makassar (A), Nomor SK: 079/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
25. Universitas Nasional, Jakarta (B), Nomor SK: 080/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
26. Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana, Salatiga (B), Nomor SK: 081/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
27. Universitas Pancasila, Jakarta (B), Nomor SK: 082/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
28. Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan (B), Nomor SK: 083/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
29. Universitas Haluoleo, Kendari (C), Nomor SK: 084/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013
30. Universitas Diponegoro, Semarang (B), Nomor SK: 085/SK/BAN-PT/Ak-IV/PT/II/2013

Article source: http://www.solopos.com/2013/01/25/perlu-standardisasi-dan-sertifikasi-372149

Ini Dia Perguruan Tinggi yang Terakreditasi Tahun 2013

Body formed to probe allegations against VC

The government yesterday formed a two-member probe commission to resolve the stalemate at Jahangirnagar University over some teachers’ demand for removal of Vice Chancellor Prof Anwar Hossain.

The commission led by University Grants Commission member M Muhibur Rahman will submit its report in 15 working days, said an official order of the education ministry. The second member is the ministry’s Joint Secretary Mohammad Ahasanul Jabbar.

The order came upon a directive of President Abdul Hamid, also chancellor of JU.

On August 24, Education Minister Nurul Islam Nahid at a meeting with the agitating teachers, who had confined the VC to his office for four days since August 21 to force him to quit, assured them of investigating their allegations against Prof Anwar.

The crisis at JU began on April 6 when Bangladesh Chhatra League’s JU unit General Secretary Rajib Ahmed Rasel assaulted a teacher. The agitating teachers demanded Prof Anwar’s removal for not expelling Rajib. They also accused him of doing anomalies in teachers’ appointments, ruining the campus by taking up unnecessary projects, and misusing funds.
ASSAULT BY SENIORS PROTESTED

Over a hundred of the first year students of JU yesterday blocked the Dhaka-Aricha highway for half an hour to protest against an assault on one of their fellows by some seniors.

The agitators said some second year students mentally and physically tortured 11 of their fellows early yesterday, leaving one of them injured, reports our JU correspondent.

The seniors, however, denied the allegation, saying they only rebuked the juniors for passing lewd comments to two senior female students on Sunday night.

The seniors include Golam Sarwar Badhan and Md Razib of urban and regional planning, Robiul Islam Jamil of physics, and Tazbiur Rahman Masuk of government and politics department.
PROTEST AGAINST SHIBIR ATTACKS

The JU unit BCL formed a human chain on the campus yesterday, demanding punishment for the Islami Chhatra Shibir men who recently assaulted BCL activists at Rajshahi University and the Shahjalal University for Science and Technology in Sylhet, adds the JU correspondent.

Article source: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/tech/article/latin-americans-most-socially-engaged-users-in-the-world

Body formed to probe allegations against VC

Tidak diizinkan masuk, ratusan mahasiswa gelar doa bersama di luar gedung ...

RATUSAN mahasiswa yang tergabung dalam Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam (HMI) Cabang Lhokseumawe-Aceh Utara, Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa (BEM) Unimal, BEM STAIN Malikussaleh, serta Aliansi BEM seAceh melakukan aksi damai di depan gedung DPRK Aceh Utara, Jumat malam, 28 Juni 2013.

Aksi tersebut sebagai bentuk protes mereka terhadap keputusan Komisi A DPRK Aceh Utara yang bersikeras melakukan uji kelayakan dan kepatutan calon anggota Komisi Independen Pemilihan (KIP) kabupaten tersebut secara tertutup. Di luar gedung dewan mereka melakukan aksi damai dengan cara doa bersama.

Padahal sebelumnya, mereka datang ke gedung tersebut untuk menyaksikan proses uji kelayakan dan kepatutan calon anggota KIP Aceh Utara berdasarkan undangan dan ajakan dari Ketua Komisi A,  Amiruddin B. Dalam pertemuan dengan mahasiswa beberapa hari sebelumnya, ia mengajak mahasiswa sama-sama mengawal proses perekrutan calon anggota KIP.

Aparat kepolisian yang lebih banyak dari jumlah massa merantai dan kemudian menggembok pintu pagar gedung dewan perwakilan rakyat itu. Mahasiswa, masyarakat maupun jurnalis dilarang masuk menyaksikan dan meliput proses uji kelayakan tersebut. Massa dan jurnalis hanya boleh berada di luar pagar gedung dewan atau tepatnya di badan Jalan T. Nyak Adam Kamil, Lhokseumawe.

Sesuai dengan keputusan Komisi A yang hanya memperbolehkan lima orang perwakilan masuk, akhirnya mahasiswapun setuju. Namun anehnya, kelima mahasiswa yang diizinkan masuk tidak diperbolehkan membawa handphone (HP) serta tas mereka ke dalam.

Mahasiswa mensinyalir Komisi A DPRK Aceh Utara takut jika ada mahasiswa yang mengabadikan proses fit and proper test tersebut dengan telepon genggam mereka.

“Kita sangat prihatin dengan kondisi Aceh Utara yang seperti ini. Sikap anggota dewan seperti tidak berpendidikan. Semoga apa yang kita lakukan malam ini tidak sia-sia,” ujar Nanda, mahasiswa STAIN Malikussaleh, salah satu perempuan yang ikut melakukan aksi.

Massa yang datang kembali ke dewan sejak pukul 20.00 WIB, baru bubar sekitar pukul 02.00, Sabtu,  dini hari. Mereka menunggu hingga selesainya proses uji kelayakan dan kepatutan 15 calon anggota KIP Aceh Utara.

Sebelumnya diberitakan, Komisi A DPRK Aceh Utara memutuskan tetap akan melakukan uji kelayakan dan kepatutan calon anggota KIP Aceh Utara secara tertutp. Saat dialog dengan mahasiswa dan masyarakat Aceh Utara, Ketua Komisi A, Amiruddin B menyampaikan hasil musyawarah dengan anggota komisi itu.

“Berdasarkan hasi musyawarah kami, fit and proper test tetap akan dilakukan secara tertutup. Syaratnya, hanya lima orang perwakilan mahasiswa yang diperbolehkan masuk,” ujar Amir, kemudian menutup rapat, tanpa meminta pendapat mahasiswa.[](bna)

Article source: http://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islam-mancanegara/13/06/28/mp3vss-ayo-daftar-world-muslimah-2013

Tidak diizinkan masuk, ratusan mahasiswa gelar doa bersama di luar gedung ...

Islam di Gorontalo Masuk Lewat Perkawinan

Gorontalo adalah provinsi baru yang letaknya di Sulawesi bagian utara. Daerah ini  punya jejak zaman kepemimpinan di masa dulu, termasuk kepemimpinan dalam kerajaan Islam.

Sebelum berdiri kerajaan Islam, di Gorontalo ada banyak kerajaan-kerajaan kecil. Hingga pada 1385, sejumlah 17 kerajaan kecil tersebut sepakat membentuk sebuah serikat kerajaan. Diangkatlah Maharaja Ilahudu untuk memimpin serikat kerajaan yang disebut dengan Kerajaan Hulondalo.

Menyebut Hulondalo, berarti sama artinya dengan Gorontalo. Hulondaloberasal dari kata Hulonthalangi dari istilah Huta Langi-langi, yang dalam bahasa setempat artinya genangan air. Orang Belanda menyebutnya dengan Holontalo, yang apabila ditulis dalam abjad latin menjadi Gorontalo.

Nilai budaya yang dianut adalah yang berbasiskan pandangan harmoni dengan mengambil pelajaran yang ditunjukkan oleh alam. Ini berarti penduduknya menganut kepercayaan animisme. Kemudian, Islam mulai masuk ke Gorontalo.

Peneliti sejarah sosial dari Universitas Negeri Gorontalo, Basri Amin, menjelaskan mengenai masa-masa ketika Islam masuk ke Gorontalo. “‘Sekitar 1525, Islam mulai masuk dalam wilayah kerajaan ini. Islam dibawa oleh sang raja saat itu, Raja Amai,” ujarnya.

Islam kala itu masuk melalui jalur perkawinan. Raja Amai menikahi putri dari kerajaan Palasa, bernama Owutango. Kerajaan Palasa ini berada di Teluk Tomini dan rajanya sudah Islam. Sang putri sendiri punya hubungan keluarga dengan pihak kerajaan di Ternate, yang telah lebih dahulu mengenal Islam.

Dari sini bisa terlihat, pihak kerajaan memahami Islam dan ingin menjalankan kerajaan sesuai tuntunan Islam. “Karena Islam, maka bentuk kerajaannya pun menjadi kesultanan,” ujarnya.

Pendapat berbeda diungkapkan oleh guru besar Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora UIN Syarief Hidayatullah, Jakarta, Prof Dien Majid. Menurutnya, bentuk kerajaan tetap bisa dipertahankan meski rajanya telah Islam.

Dalam bentuk pemerintahan dulu, ia menjelaskan, dikenal bentuk kerajaan yang bersifat tradisional. Mulai abad ke-13, ketika Islam mulai masuk nusantara, maka dikenallah sistem pemerintah yang sesuai dengan ajaran Islam, yaitu kesultanan.

“Meski demikian, masih ada yang tetap menggunakan nama kerajaan, namun jabatan pemimpinnya disebut dengan sultan,” ujarnya.

Salah satunya, ia mencontohkan adalah kerajaan di Aceh, namanya tetap kerajaan, namun pemimpinnya bergelar sultan. Hal yang sama terjadi juga di Gorontalo.

Dosen Fakultas Sastra dan Budaya Universitas Negeri Gorontalo, Mohammad Karmin Baruadi, juga menjelaskan sejarah kerajaan Gorontalo dalam tulisannya yang berjudul Sendi Adat Dan Eksistensi Sastra: Pengaruh Islam Dalam Nuansa Budaya Lokal Gorontalo. 

“Tokoh yang sangat berperan dengan pemikirannya yang religius Islami adalah istri Amai sendiri yang bernama putri raja Palasa,” tulisnya.

Awalnya, saat Raja Amai ingin meminangnya, sang putri yang berasal dari kerajaan Islam di Sulawesi Tengah inipun mengajukan beberapa persyaratan. 

Pertama, Sultan Amai dan rakyat Gorontalo harus diislamkan, dan yang kedua adat kebiasaan dalam masyarakat Gorontalo harus  bersumber dari Alquran. “Dua syarat itu diterima oleh Amai. Di sinilah awal Islam menjadi kepercayaan penduduk Gorontalo,” tulisnya.

Sebelum menikah Raja Amai mengumpulkan seluruh rakyatnya. Raja Amai dengan terang-terangan mengumumkan diri telah memeluk agama Islam secara sah dan kemudian meminta seluruh pengikutnya untuk melakukan pesta meriah. 

Pada pesta tersebut Raja Amai meminta kepada rakyatnya untuk menyembelih babi disertai dengan pelaksanaan sumpah adat. Saat pendeklarasian sumpah tersebut, adalah hari terakhir rakyat Gorontalo memakan babi.

Usai proses sumpah adat, Raja Amai kemudian meminta rakyatnya untuk masuk Islam dengan membaca dua kalimat syahadat. Ia sendiri kemudian mengganti gelarnya dengan gelar raja Islam, yaitu sultan.

Prinsip hidup baru ini, mudah diterima oleh masyarakat Gorontalo saat itu, yang tidak tersentuh oleh Hindu-Buddha. Masyarakat merasakan tidak ada pertentangan antara adat dan Islam, namun justru memperkuat dan membimbing pelaksanaannya.

Pada 1550, Sultan Amai digantikan oleh putera mahkotanya, Matolodula Kiki. Sultan kedua kesultanan Gorontalo ini menyempurnakan konsep kerajaan Islam yang dirintis oleh ayahnya. 

Ia pun melahirkan rumusan adati hula-hula’a to sara’a dan sara’a hula-hula’a to adati, yang artinya adat bersendi syarak, syarak bersendi adat. Islam dan adat, saling melengkapi.

Islam resmi menjadi agama kerajaan ketika kesultanan Gorontalo ada di bawah pemerintahan Sultan Eyato. Konsepnya pun berubah, mirip dengan prinsip masyarakat Minangkabau, adat bersendi syarak, syarak bersendi kitabullah. Di bawah kepimpinannnya, Kesultanan Gorontalo mencapai puncak kejayaan.

Bagi masyarakat Uduluwo limo lo Pohalaqa Gorontalo (serikat kerajaan di bawah dua kerajaan Gorontalo dan Limboto), syarak kitabullah dipahami bahwa hukum dan aturan-aturan yang berlaku bersumber dari kitab suci Alquran dan hadis Rasulullah SAW.

Beberapa perubahan

Pada masa itu, beberapa perubahan dilakukan, menjadi lebih Islami. Sistem pemerintahannya kini didasarkan pada ilmu akidah atau pokok-pokok keyakinan dalam ajaran Islam. 

Dalam ilmu akidah  tersebut diajarkan dua puluh sifat Allah SWT, untuk itu Eyato mewajibkan sifat-sifat itu menjadi sifat dan sikap semua aparat kerajaan mulai dari pejabat tertinggi sampai dengan jabatan terendah. Sumpah-sumpah dan adat istiadat yang dipakai, bersumber pada Islam.

Penerapan sistem budaya Islam pada sikap dan perilaku pejabat tersebut telah mengawali pemantapan karakteristik budaya Islam dalam kehidupan masyarakat Gorontalo. 

Eyato sendiri awalnya memang seorang ahli agama dan cendekiawan. “Sebelum menjadi raja, Eyato merupakan seorang hatibida’a yang tergolong ulama pada masa itu,” tulisnya.

Struktur pemerintahan dalam kerajaan terbagi atas tiga bagian dalam suasana kerja sama yang disebut Buatula Totolu, yaitu Buatula Bantayoyang dikepalai oleh Bate yang bertugas menciptakan peraturan-peraturan dan garis-garis besar tujuan kerajaan, Buatula Bubato yang dikepalai olehRaja (Olongia) dan bertugas melaksanakan peraturan serta berusaha menyejahterakan masyarakat, dan Buatula Bala yang pada mulanya dikepalai oleh Pulubala, bertugas dalam bidang pertahanan dan keamanan. [ROL]

 

Article source: http://celebrity.okezone.com/read/2013/11/18/535/898819/demi-cinta-artis-pun-rela-pindah-agama

Islam di Gorontalo Masuk Lewat Perkawinan

Perlu pemimpin berjiwa besar

BIARPUN Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13 (PRU-13) telah berakhir hampir tiga minggu yang lalu, namun pakatan pembangkang masih tidak dapat menerima kenyataan. Malah lebih 10 perhimpunan haram diadakan bagi membangkitkan rasa marah dan kebencian terhadap kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN).

Perhimpunan haram atau lebih dikenali dengan ‘Blackout 505′ itu nyata mencetuskan rasa gelisah kepada rakyat. Justeru, wartawan Mingguan Malaysia, AZRAN FITRI RAHIM dan ASMA HANIM MAHMOOD bersama jurugambar IRWAN MAJID, mendapatkan pandangan Mufti Kerajaan Kelantan, DATUK MOHAMAD SHUKRI MOHAMAD mengenai perkembangan tersebut.

Dalam pertemuan di pejabatnya di Balai Islam Lundang, Kota Bharu, Mohamad Shukri tanpa berselindung melahirkan rasa kebimbangannya terhadap siri perhimpunan atau cara pakatan pembangkang itu yang disifatkannya telah terkeluar daripada ajaran Ahli Sunnah Wal Jamaah dan mengikut kerangka Syiah serta Khawarij.

Turut disentuhnya ialah mengenai ‘dua pil’ yang paling mujarab yang diajar oleh Islam iaitu bersyukur apabila berjaya dan bersabar apabila gagal. Jika kedua-dua pil itu tidak digunakan, beliau bimbang nikmat yang dikurniakan Allah sebelum PRU-13 iaitu keamanan, akan hancur sekiranya siri perhimpunan tersebut diteruskan oleh pakatan pembangkang.

Sepanjang wawancara tersebut beliau amat menekankan tentang perpaduan umat Islam dan yakin ia akan dapat dicapai kerana masih ada banyak jalan menuju ke arah itu. Ikuti kupasan lanjut tokoh agama ini.

MINGGUAN: Pihak pembangkang mengatakan bahawa pilihan raya ini tidak adil dan zalim. Bagaimana Datuk melihat perkara ini, apakah benar wujud kezaliman di sini?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Sekarang ini negara kita, negara yang ada sistemnya, dengan pilihan raya itu sendiri ada peraturan dan undang-undangnya. Jadi kalau kita kata tidak adil, kita sebenarnya dalam kaedah Islam, sesiapa sahaja yang menjadi pendakwa, maka dialah bertanggungjawab untuk membuktikannya, beban bukti itu dipertanggungjawab yang mendakwa. Jadi kalau kita rasa pilihan raya ini berlaku ketidakadilan, maka kita perlu tampilkan bahan-bahan bukti. Kerana dalam kaedah Islam ‘Al-bayyinah alal mudda’ie’ sesiapa yang mendakwa, dialah dibebankan untuk menampilkan bahan bukti.

Setakat ini saya belum nampak tindakan dari segi undang-undang untuk mengatakan bahawa ini tidak adil, pilihan raya berjalan tidak adil. Ini hanya setakat ini dakwaan tidak adil. Jadi dakwaan sahaja tidak semestinya membuktikan ia tidak adil. Perlu dibuktikan dan dalam sistem yang ada kita boleh kemukakan untuk mendapatkan hak keadilan itu seperti petisyen pilihan raya dan lain-lain ruang yang dibuka yang patut dipakai.

Untuk memberi (menentukan) keadilan ini bukan orang ramai. Kalau berlaku kemalangan jalan raya antara A dan B, tentulah B akan kata A yang salah sebab berhenti mengejut, tetapi A pula mengatakan B yang salah kerana melanggar belakang kereta. Jadi bila hendak selesai? Sebab itu perlu dikemukakan kepada pihak pengadilan baru tahu siapa yang salah. Kita tidak dibenarkan menghakimi ketidakadilan itu bukan pada gelanggangnya. Katakanlah kita mengadakan perhimpunan, apakah perhimpunan ini boleh menjadi gelanggang mahkamah untuk menentukan adil atau tidak adil? Sebab itu kita raikanlah peraturan dan undang-undang yang ada kalau kita tidak berpuas hati. Sama ada kita menang atau kalah, kita masih dapat menikmati keamanan, walaupun kalah kita aman apatah lagi yang menang.

Maksudnya perhimpunan itu tidak perlu diadakan secara besar-besaran?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Perhimpunan itu kalau hendak diadakan juga, perlu mengikut peraturanlah, kerana undang-undang mengatakan boleh berhimpun secara aman. Nak berhimpun secara aman itu boleh, jadi pihak berkuasa boleh menentukan hendak berhimpun di mana tetapi ia bukan satu mahkamah untuk mengadili ketidakadilan yang didakwa itu.

Dari segi pandangan peribadi, adakah Datuk sendiri melihat ada penyelewengan dalam pilihan raya baru-baru ini?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Pilihan raya ini Pilihan Raya ke-13 bagi negara, setiap kali menjelang pilihan raya akan wujudlah dakwaan-dakwaan sebegitu. Tentang ketidakadilan, kita sudah buka ruang untuk pemerhati-pemerhati yang setakat ini tidak mendengar laporan mereka mengatakan pilihan raya berjalan dengan tidak betul. Jadi saya sendiri tidak pernah buat kajian. Kita berbalik kepada yang saya sebut tadi, kalau kita kata pilihan raya ini tidak adil, tidak telus maka kita rujuklah kepada mahkamah. Mengapa kepada hal-hal lain kita boleh rujuk ke mahkamah tetapi dalam pilihan raya kita tidak boleh percaya kepada mahkamah?

Bagaimana pula Datuk melihat kesan PRU-13 kepada umat Islam?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Saya cukup terpanggil dengan PRU-13 ini. Kita cukup menaruh kebimbangan trend yang berlaku dalam negara kita, terutamanya apabila rasa tidak puas hati dicetuskan dan dimanifestasi dengan mengadakan perhimpunan-perhimpunan. Perhimpunan ini ada dua, perhimpunan aman dan perhimpunan yang boleh mencetuskan huru-hara. Dalam kaedah Islam, sesuatu yang tidak baik atau ‘mafsadah’ iaitu keburukan dan kerosakan tidak boleh diatasi dengan keburukan yang sama apatah lagi dengan keburukan yang lebih memudaratkan. Satu-satu keburukan tidak boleh diselesaikan dengan melakukan keburukan juga ataupun keburukan yang lebih parah.

Yang keduanya, amalan dalam Islam kita ada ‘al-amru bilmaruf wan nahyu anil munkar’ iaitu melakukan kebaikan mencegah kemungkaran, jadi bagaimanakah pendekatan untuk melaksanakannya? Sekarang ini saya nampak trend itu sudah terkeluar daripada aliran Ahli Sunnah Wal Jamaah (ASWJ), trend untuk melaksanakan amar maaruf nahi munkar itu semacam tidak mengikut kerangka ASWJ. Ada ternampak bibit-bibit untuk melakukan amar maaruf itu dalam kerangka Syiah, dalam kerangka Khawarij. Ini yang membimbangkan saya. Padahal amalan di negara ini adalah ASWJ. Kecenderungan untuk pergi kepada amalan Syiah dan Khawarij perlu dibendung.

Bagaimana Datuk melihat fitnah yang ditimbulkan pembangkang kerana ia menimbulkan kekacauan dan menanam sikap benci kepada kerajaan?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Kita sebagai orang yang beragama, apa juga yang kita putuskan, pendekatan yang kita ambil mesti sesuai dengan tuntutan agama. Kita tidak boleh buat sesuatu mengikut nafsu, sebagaimana maksud hadis Rasulullah SAW, Orang yang lemah itu adalah orang yang mengikut hawa nafsunya”. Jadi ini sebenarnya orang yang lemah, oleh kerana itu apabila kita hendak bertindak perlulah secara bijak, secara rasional dan tidak terkeluar daripada agama.

Jadi maksudnya, Arab Spring atau Malaysian Spring atau orang kata sekarang Anwar Spring tidak perlu berlaku di Malaysia?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Tidak perlu berlaku. Kita dalam pengajian agama ada kaedah dipanggil ‘qias’. Ia ada kaedahnya apabila kita hendak kaitkan hukum haram kepada dadah, kita ‘qias’ dengan arak, apa sebab? Di mana persamaan, kerana arak ada elemen memabukkan, Rasulullah kata setiap perkara memabukkan adalah haram, jadi arak dan dadah itu persamaannya kerana boleh menghilangkan kewarasan, jadi kalau kita nak kata Arab Spring , di mana persamaan?

Berlakunya Arab Spring di Mesir, bagaimana suasana rakyat duduk di bawah pemerintahan kerajaan mereka sehingga tercetusnya kebangkitan atau Arab Spring. Tetapi di Malaysia mengapa perlu cetus seperti Arab Spring? Hanya kerana ketidakadilan yang kita katakan sebagai persepsi bukan realiti. Padahal realitinya kita boleh bebas, kalau memang tertekan, pembangkang tidak ada yang menang, kalau pilihan raya berjalan secara tipu, patutnya pembangkang tidak akan menang satu kerusi pun.

Ini pembangkang boleh menang, hampir-hampir menubuhkan kerajaan, diakui masa berkempen ada dirasakan tidak puas hati, tidak diberi ruang dalam akhbar, media elektronik pun terhad, ini ketidakpuasan kitalah, tetapi adakah kita boleh cetuskan seperti Arab Spring itu? Saya fikir banyak lagi ruang-ruang yang boleh. Apakah dengan perhimpunan sahaja untuk menegur ketidaktelusan ini? Mengapa kita tidak boleh gunakan pendekatan sabar? Maknanya masuklah lagi dalam pilihan raya pada masa akan datang dengan mula berkempen hari ini. Barangkali berhimpun itu sudah menjadi cara kempen mereka. Tapi dalam kaedah Islam, apa yang dijangka boleh menimbulkan keresahan, kita tidak boleh mengatakan kita sahaja tidak resah, saya sendiri resah apa kalau hadir perhimpunan, tetapi peniaga-peniaga resah, pemandu-pemandu teksi resah, jalan raya tersekat sana sini, ini menyusahkan, sedangkan dalam Islam, adab-adab jalan raya mesti dipatuhi, halangan tidak boleh.

Datuk melihat bagaimana cara terbaik untuk menyatupadukan umat Islam sebab selepas PRU-13 nampak semakin ada jurang?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Saya melihat begini, dari segi Islam ada dua istilah, satu ‘ikhtilaf’ dan satu lagi tafarruq. Al-Quran larang tafarruq, berpecah belah, tapi ikhtilaf berbeza dengan tafarruq. Ikhtilaf bermaksud perbezaan jalan untuk mencapai kepada kebenaran, maknanya berselisih dari segi metodologi atau jalan untuk sampai kepada kebenaran dan mencapai maqasid syariah, objektif daripada syariah.

Itu yang tidak salah dari segi Islam, ikhtilaf tidak dilarang, sebab ulama besar kita, Imam Syafie, Maliki, Hambali dan Hanafi, mereka tidak pernah menidakkan orang lain atau mengatakan si A ini adalah salah. Ulama-ulama kita dalam mazhab-mazhab ini hanya berselisih dalam hal cara atau metodologi sahaja untuk mencapai kebenaran, sebab itu imam Abu Hanafi, Maliki, Hanafi dan Syafie tidak pernah menidakkan satu sama lain. Itu dipanggil ikhtilaf. Metodologi boleh kita berbeza dan memang berbeza pandangan dan pendapat adalah tabiat asal manusia. Jadi kalau kita bagaimana untuk penyatuan umat, kita berbeza pendapat dari segi metodologi tetapi bukan iktirab perbalahan sehingga kita berkerat rotan dan berpatah arang.

Kedua, kaedah yang diterima pakai oleh ulama ialah mana-mana yang kita setuju, kita sepakati, tetapi mana-mana yang selisih, kita toleransi. Jadi bersepakatlah dalam hal yang kita persetujui. Sebenarnya banyak perkara yang lebih banyak kita bersetuju, bersepakatlah dalam hal yang dipersetujui dan bertolak ansur dalam hal yang berselisih. Ketiga, kita sebenarnya sangat memerlukan kepimpinan yang berjiwa besar, fikir bagaimana nak menyatupadukan umat Islam perlu kepada kepimpinan yang berjiwa besar contoh Nabi Muhammad SAW seorang yang berjiwa besar apabila timbul perbalahan di kalangan kafir Quraisy untuk meletakkan Hajar Aswad ke dinding Kaabah mereka hampir mencetuskan peperangan tetapi bila Nabi masuk, Nabi dapat damaikan kabilah Arab yang mahu berperang ini. Apabila Nabi meletakkan hamparan dan letak Hajar Aswad dan semua ketua kabilah pegang dan usung beramai letak di dinding kaabah perbalahan tidak berlaku, sebab Nabi berjiwa besar.

Kita selagi belum ada pemimpin berjiwa besar, payah untuk kita berdamai. Kita sedang mencari pemimpin yang berjiwa besar, kalau ada pemimpin berjiwa besar, pemimpin ini akan menghargai kebenaran, pemimpin ini bukan hanya pintar, cerdik tetapi pintar dan cerdik kalau tidak sampai kepada kebenaran ia sia-sia jadi kita hendak pemimpin yang berjiwa besar yang boleh akalnya mengawal nafsu. Sekarang ini akal dikuasai, yang dominannya nafsu, inilah terjadi perpecahan dan perbalahan. Kalau akal mendominasi nafsu tak apa, lebih-lebih lagi nafsu dan akal didominasi oleh wahyu amat bagus tetapi sekarang tidak berlaku begitu, nafsu duduk di atas, nafsu mahukan kekuasaan dan kepentingan diri dan puak, maka kalau selagi ini tidak boleh diketepikan, kepentingan puak dan diri tidak diketepikan ia tidak boleh wujud perpaduan.

Kalau kita nak kata macam mana perpaduan hendak dicapai, pemimpin itu yang mustahak. Kita lihat pada tahun 70-an ada pemimpin bernama Tun Abdul Razak, ada pemimpin bernama Datuk Asri Muda yang melihat kepentingan masyarakat Melayu Islam di Malaysia, lalu pergi berunding di Geneva, empat mata lalu balik maka berlakulah kerajaan campuran Kelantan, penyertaan Pas dalam BN kerana mereka berjiwa besar melihat ke depan tetapi tidak lama berpecah balik, ini sejarah. Saya merasakan bahawa kalau kita hendak betul-betul secara sedar keperluan kepada penyatuan umat jangan jadikan gelanggang media tempat untuk mencari perpaduan, kena secara kerahsiaan. Usaha untuk menyatu padukan ini mesti digerakkan secara low profile’ tidak dihebahkan. Biasa dihebahkan, bila masuk surat khabar, orang yang ada kepentingan akan menentang. Sebenarnya usaha ke arah penyatuan umat ini lama diusahakan selepas berjaya dahulu tahun 70-an, tetapi selepas itu bergolak balik sampai hari ini, tetapi kalau ada usaha secara low profile ini saya yakin ia boleh menjadi kenyataan.

Maksudnya Pas dan UMNO mesti bersatu?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Siapa sahaja yang merasakan dan bertanggungjawab terhadap agama perlu bersatu, mungkin Pas dan UMNO dan mungkin lain-lain.

Di antara alasan yang sering diberikan oleh pemimpin Pas yang menolak perpaduan ialah UMNO hanya inginkan perpaduan kerana pada ketika ini mereka lemah dan ketika UMNO kuat, mereka tidak pernah memandang Pas. Bagaimana Datuk melihat alasan seperti ini?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Pandangan ini masih didominasi oleh perasaan tidak di dominasikan oleh akal yang rasional. Setiap yang rasional akalnya kepada perpaduan cuma perasaan. Sekarang, kalau nak bersatu, A kena masuk B, B kena masuk A. Sekarang kena merasai kepentingan umat Islam itu. Dalam kaedah syarak sendiri disebut, ‘Semoga Allah memberi kemaafan kepada yang telah berlalu’. Orang Melayu selalu kata bila biduk berlalu kiambang bertaut, air yang ditetak tidak akan putus, itu harus ada dalam pemikiran pemimpin kita. Bukan (alasan) kata dia hendak lemas baru dia hendak pada kita, kalau tidak lemas tidak datang kepada kita, itu barang kali cakap-cakap bahasa politik, bila lemah mahu datang minta tolong tetapi benarkah ada pihak yang lemah. Adakah betul-betul UMNO sudah lemah? Apakah Pas lebih kuat daripada UMNO? Saya tidak nampak juga, yang saya nampak, Pas di nombor tiga, DAP nombor satu, PKR nombor dua, DAP yang paling kuat.

Dalam hal politik ini tawar menawar siapa lebih kuat perlu diketepikan, kalau kita berbeza dari segi metodologi tetapi matlamat adalah kebenaran untuk menyelamatkan bangsa, tanah air dan kepimpinan. Kalau kepimpinan terlucut kepada yang lain, masa itu kita hanya menangis tidak berair mata. Mungkin di peringkat saya tidak ada apa sekarang, anak saya tidak ada apa, tetapi mungkin berlaku pada cucu saya. Kita boleh lihat masyarakat kita di negara jiran, apa yang berlaku? Banyak pelajaran di sekeliling kita yang boleh dipelajari terutama di Timur Tengah, Palestin, Iraq, Syria, dan Mesir sendiri mengambil masa yang lama untuk kembali pulih, silap-silap nanti berlaku lagi apabila kita lemah.

Dalam soal ini, kita bukan lihat kepada UMNO dan Pas, kita lihat kepada umat Islam kerana dari segi logik kita tidak kuat kalau kita berpecah, kita akan kuat kalau kita bersatu, kalau kita berpecah dua, dua-dua, kalau ada tiga, tiga-tiga lemah, kita tidak boleh A lemah, B kuat kerana berpecah, kalau berpecah A,B,C tetap lemah sebab al-Quran sebut begitu kalau berpecah hilang kekuatan. Sebab itu isu siapa lemas, lemah dan kuat, kita tidak boleh timbul dalam perpaduan.

Apakah Datuk yakin akan wujud perpaduan UMNO dan Pas yang menjadi impian seluruh umat Islam di negara ini?

MOHAMAD SHUKRI: Memang ajaran agama tidak membenarkan kita pesimis, kita diajar supaya positif dan optimis. Kita masih merasakan jalan untuk penyatuan itu masih ada dan banyak.

Perlu pemimpin berjiwa besar

Unissula Masuk Peringkat PT Islam Terkemuka di Indonesia

SEMARANG – Universitas Islam Sultan Agung (Unissula) Semarang masuk dalam daftar peringkat 20 besar perguruan tinggi (PT) Islam terkemuka di Indonesia. Keseluruhan PT Islam di Tanah Air dewasa ini ada 400 lebih, salah satunya Unissula yang bertipe A.

Hal itu dikemukakan Rektor Unissula Prof Dr Laode M Kamaludin MSc Meng saat melantik tiga wakil rektor (WR) Unissula di kampus Jalan Raya Kaligawe Semarang, kemarin. ‘’Masuk peringkat PT Islam terkemuka di Indonesia mempunyai sejumlah konsekwensi. Unissula bersama 16 PT lain bertipe A harus bisa membantu saudara-saudaranya PT Islam lain yang masih bertipe B, C, atau D,’’ tutur Ketua Forum Rektor Indonesia itu di lantai II kompleks Cyber Library UPT Perpustakaan Unissula.

Konsekuensi membantu sesama PT Islam memang tak terbantahkan, sebab hal itu merupakan bagian dari menumbuhkankembangkan tradisi keilmuan maupun memperkuat dakwah Islam di Indonesia. Menurut Laode, ada kabar menggembirakan terkait eksistensi PT Islam di Tanah Air yang semakin kuat.

Sebaran PT Islam juga terus bertambah mulai dari Aceh hingga Papua. Di sini Unissula bersama PT Islam yang bertipe A dituntut berperan aktif. Mereka diharuskan membantu lembaga yang peringkatnya masih rendah alias belum bertipe A supaya mendapatkan akreditasi. Tanpa adanya akreditasi dari Badan Akreditasi Nasional Perguruan Tinggi (BAN-PT), bisa-bisa perguran tinggi tipe C atau D terancam bubar. (H41-37)

(/)

Untuk berita terbaru, ikuti kami di Twitter
dan Facebook

Article source: http://www.republika.co.id//berita/internasional/global/12/05/11/m3t9ux-materi-kontroversi-militer-as-3habis-10-persen-muslim-membenci-anda

Unissula Masuk Peringkat PT Islam Terkemuka di Indonesia